The new Imam? Turkey's bid to lead Muslim world

New Delhi: Turkey's vocal support for Pakistan following India's retaliatory strikes against terror networks after the brutal killing of civilians in Pahalgam, reflects a deeper strategic ambition under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. More than a reaction to a regional conflict, it signals Turkey's growing aspiration to replace Saudi Arabia as the leading voice in the Islamic world and to expand its influence across South and Southeast Asia, challenging traditional alignments.

The rivalry came into sharper focus in 2019, when Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad hosted a summit to discuss challenges facing the Muslim world. Saudi Arabia refused to attend and pressured others, including Pakistan, to follow suit. Turkish President Erdogan, by contrast, fully backed Mahathir. Riyadh viewed the summit as a threat to its religious authority and dominance over the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC).

Analysts suggested that Saudi leaders feared diplomatic isolation, especially as regional competitors like Turkey, Iran, and Qatar took part. Pakistan's then Prime Minister Imran Khan initially planned to attend but ultimately withdrew, reportedly under Saudi pressure.

Saudi Arabia has long claimed leadership of the Islamic world, as guardian of Mecca and Medina and head of the OIC. Its global promotion of Wahhabi Islam gave it unmatched soft power. That position, however, has witnessed a change under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's reforms. These include curbing religious police, expanding entertainment, and allowing women to drive—moves signalling a shift from strict orthodoxy. His Vision 2030 plan, focused on economic diversification and modernization, marks a broader retreat from exporting religious ideology.

This evolving posture has opened space for other Muslim-majority countries to step forward.

Turkey, under Erdogan, has moved to fill that vacuum. Drawing on history, strategic alliances, and ideological ambition, Ankara is positioning itself for a larger leadership role in the Islamic world.

Turkey's effort to forge a distinct Islamic identity is rooted in Cold War politics and nationalist reinterpretations of Islam. During that period, American-backed initiatives like Operation Gladio promoted a Turkish form of Islamic Nationalism to counter rising leftist influence. A key figure in this movement, Alparslan Turkes — founder of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the Grey Wolves — famously declared, "Turkishness is our body, Islam is our soul." He advocated for Turkish, rather than Arabic, in religious texts and rituals, reinforcing a nationalized form of Islam distinct from Pan-Islamism.

Although Turkes rejected international Islamic unity, his views shaped a tradition in which Islam served to bolster Turkish nationalism. This synthesis laid the ideological foundation for later efforts to revive elements of the Ottoman past.

Under President Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party (AKP), that legacy has evolved into what many call "neo-Ottomanism". Erdogan avoids framing his agenda as pan-Islamic but presents Turkey as the natural heir to Ottoman leadership in the Muslim world. His emphasis on Muslim solidarity — particularly with marginalized communities — blends humanitarian rhetoric with strategic ambition. This dual posture is evident in Turkey's involvement in Syria, Libya, the Caucasus, and more recently, South Asia.

Erdogan is one of the few world leaders to have addressed Pakistan's parliament, a gesture underscoring the depth of bilateral ties. His speech, invoking prayers for enduring solidarity, was more than symbolic. Turkey and Pakistan share a long history of strategic and ideological alignment.

Their partnership dates back to the early Cold War. In 1954, they signed a Treaty of Friendship and joined Western-led alliances like CENTO and SEATO. While India pursued non-alignment, Pakistan aligned with the US bloc. As a NATO member, Turkey found common ground with Pakistan in their opposition to communism and in their strategic locations. Cultural and ideological affinities followed. Turkish Islamists continue to admire Pakistani thinkers such as Abul A'la Maududi and Muhammad Iqbal. During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Turkish and Pakistani intelligence quietly coordinated support for the Mujahideen, backed by the US and Gulf states. What began as Cold War cooperation has since evolved into lasting Islamic solidarity.

Turkey is currently the second-largest supplier of arms to Pakistan. Its contributions include advanced drones, naval systems, and broader modernization of Pakistan's armed forces. Turkish-made drones such as the Bayraktar TB2 have reportedly been used by Pakistan in sensitive operations along its border with India.

Beyond military cooperation, the two countries have formalized their relationship through the High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council, which oversees joint initiatives in defines, trade, culture, and education. Trade agreements and investment partnerships are expanding, with a shared goal of reaching $5 billion in bilateral trade. Both nations also coordinate on international platforms, advocating for the Muslim world on issues like Islamophobia and Kashmir. Turkey has consistently supported Pakistan's position on Kashmir at the United Nations and in other diplomatic settings.

The personal rapport between Erdogan and successive Pakistani leaders adds symbolic weight to this partnership. Frequent visits, public expressions of solidarity, and mutual praise continue to reinforce the image of a close and enduring alliance.

The unofficial but potent link between Turkish and Pakistani Islamist movements adds another layer to the relationship. Turkish Islamists see themselves as part of a broader Islamic awakening, drawing intellectual inspiration from Pakistan's religious thinkers. Even during Turkey's secular era, conservative networks maintained quiet relationships with Pakistani counterparts. These relationships were strengthened through shared participation in causes such as the Afghan jihad.

Post-9/11, as the global political climate changed, Turkey repositioned itself as a bridge between Islamic values and modern governance. Erdogan capitalized on this image, presenting Turkey as a model Islamic democracy, while also reactivating conservative Islamic networks domestically and abroad.

This ideological proximity is not confined to rhetoric. Turkish NGOs and education institutions have found fertile ground in Pakistan, particularly through religious schools and social service initiatives. These efforts create long-term cultural and ideological alignment.

The emerging Turkey–Pakistan axis is now extending to Bangladesh, marking a broader realignment in South Asia. In January 2025, a Turkish delegation visited Dhaka, shortly after Pakistan and Bangladesh agreed to hold joint naval exercises — their first major military cooperation since the 1971 war. For the first time since independence, Pakistani troops are operating on Bangladeshi soil, raising concerns in New Delhi.

Further fuelling anxiety is the rising presence of Turkish-backed NGOs in Bangladesh. One such group, Saltanat-e-Bangla, reportedly tied to Ankara's religious soft power network, promotes a revisionist vision of a "Greater Bangladesh" that includes parts of India and Myanmar. While still fringe, such narratives can gain traction in unstable political climates.

For India, already on edge over Chinese influence, Turkey's expanding footprint presents a new strategic challenge.

Turkey's growing ties with Pakistan and Bangladesh go beyond cultural or religious affinity. They reflect a calculated strategy to position Ankara as a leading force in the Muslim world, challenging the traditional dominance of Gulf powers like Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

The realignment remains fluid, and its trajectory will hinge on how other key players — India, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and China — respond. But the trend is clear: Turkey is no longer on the margins of South Asia's Muslim politics. It is now actively shaping the region's alliances and geopolitical narrative.

(The writer is a New Delhi-based academic and specialist on Southeast Asia and Islam. He has taught in the past in Japan, USA, Russia and Malaysia. Views expressed are personal)

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