Glaring absence of Awami League's student wing in crucial Dhaka Univ elections

Dhaka: The Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) elections will be held on Tuesday after a gap of more than six years. Several student-led groups and student organisations affiliated with political parties are contesting in the September 9 election. They include Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-backed Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD); left leaning Pratirodh Parshad (PP) or Resistance Council comprising seven organisations; and, the Ganatantrik Chhatra Sangsad (GCS) or the Democratic Student Council that includes key organisers from the powerful Students Against Discrimination (SAD) group which spearheaded the July Uprising and overthrew of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The organisation is perceived to be the student wing of the National Citizen Party (NCP) due to the ideological similarities and organisational links between the two.

The Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS), the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), has denied the contribution of national minorities in the Liberation War of Bangladesh. The ICS-backed panel is running under the banner of 'Oikkoboddho Shikkharti Jote' (United Students' Alliance) with Abu Sadik Kayem, a well-known figure fighting for the post of Vice President.

Soon after the establishment of Dhaka University on July 1, 1921 student unions were formed in three halls, Muslim Hall, Jagannath Hall and Dhaka Hall. In the 1923-24 academic year, Dhaka University Students' Union (DUSU) was created and its constitution was framed on October 30, 1925. After three decades of its formation, DUSU was renamed by amending its constitution in 1953 as the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU).

Kayem's role during the July Uprising last year has given him broader propaganda, which was recognised by journalists and leaders from participating groups, increasing his public profile. ICS expects substantial support from madrasa (religious Islamic schools) students. Female voters and Jagannath Hall residents are critical factors in this election. Jagannath Hall has 2,222 voters; all are from minority communities and are about six per cent of the total electorate.

What is most concerning, though, is apparently the absence of Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) - the student wing of the banned Awami League party - in these DUCSU elections. Almost all of its big leaders have been detained or are in exile. Its supporters will have to ensure that the ICS or ICS-backed United Students' Alliance do not fare well and are not able to win the election.

DUCSU election is a practical examination for the BCL - of it being absent in the election field but still a force to reckon with. As many as 48 per cent of the DUCSU electorate are women voters - nearly 18,959 out of a total 39,874 registered voters. The voting pattern will indicate as women preferences could determine the election results.

How BCL will address the student issues and maintain a leadership role by proxy has to be seen in the context of the upcoming parliamentary elections in Bangladesh in February 2026. There are 45 candidates for the Vice President (VP) post, including five women. For the post of General Secretary (GS), there are 19 candidates with only one woman. For the post of Assistant General Secretary (AGS), there are 25 candidates.

The culture of hall domination and torture also remains a major issue. All political parties have nominated student leaders who are vocal about student rights. Students want DUCSU to play an active role with peace, discipline and proper learning environment on campus along with programmes such as debates, speeches, recitations, indoor sports and cultural events. Major student organisations have high expectations. The representatives need to ensure that every student gets a seat in the hall and 'gono' rooms, or guest room culture, never returns. The younger generation is conscious in rejecting the culture of violence in campus life.

DUCSU is also known as the 'Second Parliament' of Bangladesh. In the history of East Pakistan and Bangladesh, some of the noteworthy events such as the Bhasa Aandolan - the Language Movement; Choi Dafa Karmasuchi - Six-Points Demand; and Unosottorer Gono Abhyuthan - the Mass uprising of 1969 were led by DUCSU which led to the birth of Bangladesh. DUCSU contributed to the fall of military dictator General Hussein Muhammad Ershad.

In Bangladesh, DUCSU played a transformational role in the university campus as well as in socio-political to cultural spaces.

In the 100-year history of Dhaka University, DUCSU elections have taken place just 37 times. With the restoration of democracy in 1991, the DUCSU elections were discontinued following a mass uprising and political violence. In 2019, the DUCSU and hall unions' elections were held after a long gap. Nurul Haq Nur of Bangladesh Chhatra Odhikar Parishad-Bangladesh Students’ Rights Council (BSRC) was elected as Vice President and Golam Rabbani of BCL as the General Secretary.

As anxiety overshadows excitement amidst the student representatives, particularly the presence of Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) activists in the dormitories, DUCSU elections during the current interim administration will have to address the longstanding structural changes. The Vice Chancellor's role is largely symbolic and provides a necessary baseline for governance.

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-backed Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD) and Jamaat-e-Islami's (JeI) student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS) remain concerned about the BCL's moves in the election, which may damage the student unity on campus, as well as nationally. The July Uprising occurred through political manipulation which has forced the evaluation of student movements. Very often, DUCSU has been co-opted into the explosive Bangladeshi national politics. This election will mark the intent of Bangladeshi society - would they follow the secular democratic framework or go with the radical jihadists promoting Islamic Sharia law. Beyond doubt, political control and polarization persist.

(The writer is an expert on South Asia and Eurasia. He was formerly with Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. Views expressed are personal)

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